隨着引入總統緊急法令制度，帝國議會作為立法機構所擁有的發言權還不如在皇帝帝國時代的君主立憲制。取消議會的制度化意味著選民進一步喪失權力，同時反對議會制度的勢力則開始左右夾擊。其中獲益最大的是當屬納粹黨。自從社民黨（SPD）推翻布呂寧（Heinrich Brüning）後，希特拉就可以把他的行動作為民眾在從代表布爾什維主義（Jewish Bolshevism）到改良主義的各種「馬克思主義」行為方式之外的唯一選擇。他現在可以呼籲兩樣東西了：其一是已經傳播開來、對於事實上已經失敗的議會制民主的怨恨；其二是自俾斯麥時代就已確認的人民在普遍公平選舉權架構中的參與權，它在30年代初的三屆總統政府——布呂寧、巴本（Papen）和施萊歇爾（Schleicher）中已經失去了其政治影響。在德國的 #錯時民主化 （民主選舉權引入早於政府議會制度化）之下，希特拉成了主要的受益者。
希特拉雖然未能通過競選中的大勝獲取權力，但他若在1933年1月不是第一大黨的黨魁，也就不會成為帝國總理。1932年11月6日，在威瑪共和國舉行的最後的大選中，納粹黨獲得的選票比在1932年7月31日的大選中少了200萬張，而共產黨人則增加了60萬張選票，從而獲得了高達100個帝國議會席位。共產黨（KPD）的成功引起了對內戰的恐懼，而這種恐懼使希特拉得到了更多強而有力的盟友，尤其是在保守的執政者中的精英。正是由於他們向興登堡總統（Paul von Hindenburg）說情，才使得希特拉能在1933年1月30日被帝國總統任命為帝國總理，領導一個保守勢力佔上風的內閣。
Timeline: 1930 - 1933
Following the transition to a presidential system of emergency decree, as the legislative body the Reichstag had less influence than during the constitutional monarchy of the German Reich. The decreased influence of parliament meant that to a large extent the electorate no longer played any role in the running of the country, and it was precisely this that gave a boost to anti-parliamentarian forces on the right and left. Of these the National Socialists benefited the most. From the point in time when the Social Democrats supported Heinrich Brüning, Hitler was able to present his party as the people’s only alternative to all forms of Marxism, the Bolshevist just as much as the Reformist. He was now in a position to refer to both: to the widespread resentment of parliamentary democracy (which indeed had by now well and truly failed) and to the people’s secured claim to participation in the shape of universal and equal suffrage, which they had enjoyed since the days of Bismarck and which had been rendered politically ineffective by the three presidential governments of Brüning, Papen and Schlei­cher in the early 1930s.
Thus, Hitler became the greatest beneficiary of the dissynchronic democratisation of Germany, namely the introduction of democratic suffrage well before that of a parliamentary system of government.
Hitler did not come to power on the back of a major election victory but he would not have become Reich Chancellor in January 1933, had he not been the leader of the strongest party. At the last Weimar Republic Reichstag elections on November 6, 1932 the National Socialists had lost two million votes compared with the July 31, 1932 elections, while the Communists gained 600,000, thereby reaching the magic number of 100 Reichstag seats. The success of the Communist Party (KPD) whipped up fears of civil war, and it was this fear that was to become Hitler’s most powerful ally, particularly among the powerful Conservative elite. It was their recommendation to the then president Paul von Hindenburg that Hitler had to thank for the fact that on January 30, 1933 the Reich President appointed him to the position of Reich Chancellor at the head of a predominantly conservative cabinet.https://www.facebook.com/notes/german-consulate-general-hong-kong/希特拉-錯時民主化的受益者-hitler-beneficiary-of-the-dissynchronic-democratisation/652050881661700?qid=6403636501130825387&mf_story_key=-1911664569925206289